In its response to the crisis provoked by Russia, the European Union (EU) has often broken with the past by overcoming its internal differences. Sure, deep divisions remain—and some have become even more visible—but now there is far more political will to reach consensus. This evolution represents a departure from the bloc’s Western-dominated history.
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In this new environment, Central and Eastern European countries are taking on moral, political, and security issues nearly two decades after joining the EU. In a sign of maturity and sobriety emerging from a post-communist adolescence, they are assuming responsibility and succeeding in promoting their voice. The way they’ve forced the ongoing review of EU visa policy toward Russia, especially amid Western reluctance, is an excellent illustration of this process.
Six months into the war, Russian citizens were still benefiting from the 2007 Visa Facilitation Agreement, under which they needed to show fewer documents and were charged a lower fee than applicants from countries without a similar deal with the EU (including relatively friendly nations such as Malaysia or Saudi Arabia). Despite Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, most EU countries still complied with the terms of that agreement.
But that will soon change. At the latest EU foreign ministers’ informal meeting in Prague on August 31, member states agreed on the full suspension of the preferential visa agreement. The long-overdue decision will considerably reduce the number of EU visas issued to Russians. Moreover, visa requests by Russians will now be examined far more strictly than before, David Konecký, political director at the Czech foreign ministry, recently told me. The European Commission on September 6 officially proposed the suspension of the EU-Russia agreement, and on September 9 the European Council gave its stamp of approval.
Some countries would like to see the EU go even further by not only ending privileged treatment, but banning tourist visas for Russians altogether. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland (all of which share a land border with Russia) jointly agreed to stop issuing Schengen visas to Russians for tourism, business, sports, and cultural purposes—and on Monday, all four began blocking Russian tourists from entering. This is a big deal, since it means the only land crossing between the EU and Russia that remains open for Russians is Finland (because Helsinki couldn’t find justification under the national legislation for banning Russian tourists). Even so, the country has considerably reduced tourist-visa issuance, accepting applications from Russians only once per week.
On the other side, most of the western part of the EU, including France and Germany, remains reluctant to take such strong steps. Still, according to Konecký, there was a strong consensus at the Prague meeting: Moscow is desperate to see Europe divided—but that’s not happening. Even without a visa ban, there’s a growing understanding among EU countries that relatively unrestricted tourism is no longer a legitimate right for Russians in Europe.
Still, when considering a ban on Russian tourism, it’s important to ensure that those who might need to travel to Europe for safety, humanitarian, family, or other reasons can do so. Visa restrictions should go hand-in-hand with programs for those who need to leave the country. Countries calling for the EU tourist ban are often setting an example with such initiatives already in place.
The trouble with existing visas
Ample questions remain: For instance, what should the EU do with the one million Schengen visas already issued to Russians? The problem won’t go away by itself any time soon, as the validity of these visas is generally three years, with some lasting as many as five years. Although most direct flights to Europe from Russia have already been suspended (and nearly all Schengen-area land crossings closed), Finland appears set to keep its border with Russia open.
To understand the scope of the issue, consider this: According to the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), almost one million Russians had legally entered the EU through land borders between the beginning of the war and August 22 (with entries to Finland and Estonia making up more than 60 percent). It’s noteworthy, as one EU official pointed out to me on condition of anonymity, that these travelers mostly used visas issued by other European nations rather than by bordering countries.
